GENERAL SCHMOLL INFORMATION

Office: Faculty Towers 201A
Instructor: Dr. Schmoll
Office Hours: MWF 12:30-1:30…OR MAKE AN APPOINTMENT!!!
Email: bschmoll@csub.edu
Office Phone: 654-6549

Wednesday, March 2, 2011

ROAD TO CIVIL WAR: SECTIONALISM AND THE CYCLES OF DISTRUST

--Road to War--

I. Sectional Differences:
A. The Breadbasket West:

St. Louis, Cincinnati, Milwaukee, Indianapolis, Chicago

Chicago: 1833: 150 houses
1847: 17,000 people
1860: 109,000 people

B. The Urbanizing North
1820: 6.1%
1860: 20%
1860: 110,274 industrial
establishments
(128,300 in entire country)

1860 Northern City Population
1. New York City - 813,669
2. Philadelphia - 565,529
3. Brooklyn - 266,661
4. Baltimore - 212,418
5. Boston - 177,840
6. Cincinnati - 161,044
7. St. Louis - 160,773
8. Chicago - 112,172
9. Buffalo - 81,129
10. Newark - 71,941
(The only Southern city to compare was New Orleans with 168,675 citizens) Source: 1860 U.S. Census

C. The Oligarchic South

--1860: 5.6 million whites
--1700 own around 100 slaves
--46,274 own around 20 slaves
--slave population was 3.84 million
--26,000 free blacks in the South
--36% of families in South own
slaves in 1830
--25% of families in South own
slaves in 1860
--Traveling the 1,460 miles from Baltimore to
New Orleans in 1850 meant riding five different railroads, two stage coaches, and two steamboats.
--By 1850, 20 percent of adult white southerners
could not read or write, compared to a national figure of 8 percent.

DO THESE DIFFERENCES MATTER?

Wilmot Proviso (1846)

II. COMPROMISE OF 1850

1845: 15-13 (Texas and Florida)
1846: 15-14 (Iowa)
1848: 15-15 (Wisconsin)

1. Fugitive Slave Act
2. Abolish slave trade in D.C.
3. Cali in as Free State
4. Popular Sovereignty in new territories
5. Resolved boundary dispute btw. Texas
and New Mexico

III. The Trouble Escalates:
A. Transcontinental Railroad
--Stephen Douglas
B. Kansas-Nebraska Act
C. “Bleeding Kansas”
--New England Emigrant Aid Company
--“Beecher’s Bibles”
--John Brown
--Pottawatomie Creek
D. The Caning of Sumner

IV. Party Politics
A. Decline of the Whigs
B. Rise and Fall of the "Know-Nothings"
C. Rise of the Republicans
--The Election of 1856--
Buchanan vs. Fremont in North
Buchanan vs. Fillmore in South

V. On the Verge of War:
A. Dred Scott
B. Panic of 1857
C. Lincoln-Douglas Debate for Senate
(Rep.) (Dem.)


August 21, 1858 (first debate)
I would never consent to confer the right of voting and of citizenship upon a negro.
I believe that this new doctrine preached by Mr. Lincoln and his party will dissolve the Union if it succeeds. They are trying to array all the Northern States in one body against the South, to excite a sectional war between the Free States and the Slave States, in order that the one or the other may be driven to the wall. (Douglas)

I will say here, while upon this subject, that I have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. I have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between the white and the black races.
There is a physical difference between the two, which in my judgment will probably forever forbid their living together upon the footing of perfect equality, and inasmuch as it becomes a necessity that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong, having the superior position. I have never said anything to the contrary, but I hold that notwithstanding all this, there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
A house divided against itself cannot stand…I believe that this country cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. (Lincoln)

D. John Brown's Raid
E. The Election of Lincoln
Lincoln (Rep.)
Douglas (Dem.) {border and North}
Breckinridge (Dem.) {South}


Lincoln’s First Inaugural Address: March 4, 1861
In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it."

I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.

Fort Sumter, the first official “battle” of the Civil War, would occur a month later (April 12, 1861)

FINAL EXAM STUDY GUIDE

FINAL EXAM DURING NORMAL CLASS TIME ON MONDAY, MARCH 14
The exam will consist of two parts:
Part One: (15%) Question about the Narrative of Frederick Douglass
To prepare for this section, pay close attention to the themes that we cover during the in-class discussion of this book.

Part Two: (85%) One essay covering the nineteenth century. I will choose ONE of the following questions.
1. Sectionalism: How did this nation move from unity to disunion? In other words, what caused the Civil War?

2. What was the role of slavery in shaping the 19th century United States?

3. In looking at this nation's history from the early Republic to the Civil War, is it more accurate to call this the land of liberty and freedom or the land of the oppressed and downtrodden?

Monday, February 28, 2011

WAR WITH MEXICO

Causes of War
Economic Expansion:
Playing Politics:
British Interests in Texas
Slave State Power Grab
Ideas:
Manifest Destiny
John L. O’Sullivan

Two Wars:
California

Mexico


Outcome:

A. Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848)

1. Mexican cession of 525,000 square miles
2. U.S. pays $15 million
3. U.S. assumes $3.25 million in debt to Mexico

B. Gadsen Purchase: $10 million

C. Trouble: (imbalance)

Monday, February 21, 2011

FREDERICK DOUGLASS: READING DUE MARCH 2

HERE'S THE FD READING GUIDE. THESE QUESTIONS SHOULD GUIDE YOUR READING. WE WILL DISCUSS THEM IN CLASS ON MARCH 2ND
1. WHAT DOES THIS STORY SAY ABOUT DOUGLASS? ABOUT THE TIMES IN WHICH HE LIVED?
The Character of FD
In the summer of 1843, I was traveling and lecturing, in company with William A. White, Esq., through the state of Indiana. Anti- slavery friends were not very abundant in Indiana, at that time, and beds were not more plentiful than friends. We often slept out, in preference to sleeping in the houses, at some points. At the close of one of our meetings, we were invited home with a kindly-disposed old farmer, who, in the generous enthusiasm of the moment, seemed to have forgotten that he had but one spare bed, and that his guests were an ill-matched pair. All went on pretty well, till near bed time, when signs of uneasiness began to show themselves, among the unsophisticated sons and daughters. White is remarkably fine looking, and very evidently a born gentleman; the idea of putting us in the same bed was hardly to be tolerated; and yet, there we were, and but the one bed for us, and that, by the way, was in the same room occupied by the other members of the family. White, as well as I, perceived the difficulty, for yonder slept the old folks, there the sons, and a little farther along slept the daughters; and but one other bed remained. Who should have this bed, was the puzzling question. There was some whispering between the old folks, some confused looks among the young, as the time for going to bed approached. After witnessing the confusion as long as I liked, I relieved the kindly-disposed family by playfully saying, "Friend White, having got entirely rid of my prejudice against color, I think, as a proof of it, I must allow you to sleep with me to-night." White kept up the joke, by seeming to esteem himself the favored party, and thus the difficulty was removed.
My Bondage and My Freedom, another FD autobiography

2. What are Douglass' best arguments against slavery?

3. According to Douglass, how does slavery affect slaves' human development (personality, behavior, sense of self)?

4. After his confrontation with Mr. Covey, why does Douglass write, "however long I might remain a slave in form, the day had passed forever when I could be a slave in fact"? When Douglass writes, "You have seen how a man was made a slave; you shall see how a slave was made a man," what does he understand a man to be?
What does Douglass mean when he talks of "... the right of each man to own his own body and soul..."?

5. Why is Douglass able to "understand the deep meaning of those rude and apparently incoherent songs" sung by slaves only when he no longer is a slave himself?

6. How is Douglass able to maintain his religious faith when that of his owners is used to justify their treatment of him?
Why does Douglass consider holiday celebrations as part of the "inhumanity of slavery"? (p. 115)

7. Douglass says that "Slavery proved as injurious to his master's wife as it did to him." What impact does slavery have on gender roles in the South?

8. Douglass describes knowledge as "valuable bread" and the Liberator as his "meat and drink.” How important was reading to Douglass?

Thursday, February 17, 2011

TWO DOCUMENTS FOR THE FIRST PARTY SYSTEM QUESTION

1. This one is Anti-Federalist:
The Anti-Federalists:
Letters from the Federal Farmer to the Republican: Richard Henry Lee or Melancton Smith, December 31, 1787.
Dear sir, In viewing the various governments instituted by mankind, we see their whole force reducible to two principles — the important springs which alone move the machines, and give them their intended influence and control, are force and persuasion: by the former men are compelled, by the latter they are drawn. We denominate a government despotic or free, as the one or other principle prevails in it. Perhaps it is not possible for a government to be so despotic, as not to operate persuasively on some of its subjects; nor is it, in the nature of things, I conceive, for a government to be so free, or so supported by voluntary consent, as never to want force to compel obedience to the laws. In despotic governments one man, or a few men, independant of the people, generally make the laws, command obedience, and inforce it by the sword: one-fourth part of the people are armed, and obliged to endure the fatigues of soldiers, to oppress the others and keep them subject to the laws. In free governments the people, or their representatives, make the laws; their execution is principally the effect of voluntary consent and aid; the people respect the magistrate, follow their private pursuits, and enjoy the fruits of their labour with very small deductions for the public use. The body of the people must evidently prefer the latter species of government; and it can be only those few, who may be well paid for the part they take in enforcing despotism, that can, for a moment, prefer the former. Our true object is to give full efficacy to one principle, to arm persuasion on every side, and to render force as little necessary as possible. Persuasion is never dangerous not even in despotic governments; but military force, if often applied internally, can never fail to destroy the love and confidence, and break the spirits, of the people; and to render it totally impracticable and unnatural for him or them who govern, and yield to this force against the people, to hold their places by the peoples' elections. I repeat my observation, that the plan proposed will have a doubtful operation between the two principles; and whether it will preponderate towards persuasion or force is uncertain. Government must exist — If the persuasive principle be feeble, force is infallibly the next resort — The moment the laws of congress shall be disregarded they must languish, and the whole system be convulsed — that moment we must have recourse to this next resort, and all freedom vanish.


2. This one is Federalist:
The Federalists: The Federalist Papers: 1788-1789 Author: Publius
Federalist Paper 23--Alexander Hamilton
The principle purposes to be answered by Union are these -- The common defense of the members -- the preservation of the public peace as well as against internal convulsions as external attacks-the regulation of commerce with other nations and between the States -- the superintendence of our intercourse, political and commercial, with foreign countries.
Federalist Paper 47--James Madison
The accumulation of all powers legislative, executive and judiciary in the same hands, whether of one, a few or many, and whether hereditary, self appointed, or elective, may justly be pronounced the very definition of tyranny.
Federalist Paper 51--James Madison
If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: You must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place, oblige it to control itself.
Federalist Paper 10--Alexander Hamilton
AMONG the numerous advantages promised by a well constructed Union, none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction. The friend of popular governments never finds himself so much alarmed for their character and fate, as when he contemplates their propensity to this dangerous vice. He will not fail, therefore, to set a due value on any plan which, without violating the principles to which he is attached, provides a proper cure for it. The instability, injustice, and confusion introduced into the public councils, have, in truth, been the mortal diseases under which popular governments have everywhere perished;

Monday, February 7, 2011

TURNITIN INFO

CLASS ID AND PASSWORD
SECTION 1
3728681 history

SECTION 2
3728682 history